Archive for Michael Hiltzik

The real IRS scandal: 501(c)4s. Oh, and liberal groups got that IRS letter, too.

karl rove irs social welfare

Michael Hiltzik has a thing or two to say about the IRS “scandal” in his L.A. Times column. He rightly points out how the real scandal is how “social welfare” groups are allowed tax-exempt status while participating in politics. As Lawrence O’Donnell noted, it’s all about the word “primarily”:

Visit NBCNews.com for breaking news, world news, and news about the economy

MSNBC:

[A]ccording to MSNBC’s Lawrence O’Donnell, the real scandal happened long ago.

Section 501(c)(4) of the Internal Revenue Code defines tax-exempt social welfare groups like this:

Civic leagues or organizations not organized for profit but operated exclusively for the promotion of social welfare.

In 1959, under the administration of Dwight Eisenhower, the meaning of this section was changed dramatically when the IRS decided the word “exclusively” could, in effect, be read as “primarily.”

Hiltzik agrees, again emphasizing that the real scandal is that “political organizations are being allowed to masquerade as charities to avoid taxes and keep their donors secret, and the IRS has allowed them to do this for years.”

By the way, none of the “targeted” groups was turned down for 501(c)4 status. Plus, as is their habit, conservatives are playing victim again. While this is a serious issue that deserves serious attention, liberal groups received the same IRS letter that ignited Tea Party outrage.

And one major negative outcome of this “controversy” is that “the IRS will have its wings clipped before its investigation of C4s is fully fledged.”

Here are a few excerpts from Michael Hiltzik’s piece:

The bottom line first: The IRS hasn’t done nearly enough over the years to rein in the subversion of the tax law by political groups claiming a tax exemption that is not legally permitted for campaign activity. Nor has it enforced rules requiring that donors to those groups pay gift tax on their donations. [...]

Big donors were given the green light to spend freely on elections by the Supreme Court’s 2010 Citizens United decision. That wasn’t good enough for some; they wanted to distribute their largess secretly. [...]

According to an IRS Inspector General report made public this week, they represented only about a third of the 298 applications selected. That was certainly too coarse a screen, and by January 2012 the IRS had scrapped those definitions. It had substituted a screen designed to capture “political action type organizations involved in limiting/expanding government, educating on the constitution and bill of rights, [and] social  economic reform/movement.” [...]

And once again, now that the agency has tried to regulate, the regulated parties have blown its efforts up into a “scandal.” It’s amusing to reflect that some politicians making hay over this are the same people who contend that we don’t need more regulations, we just need to enforce the ones we have. (Examples: gun control and banking regulation.) Here’s a case where the IRS is trying to enforce regulations that Congress enacted, and it’s still somehow doing the wrong thing. [...]

Here’s a good rule of thumb: You don’t want to get harassed by the IRS? Then don’t claim a tax exemption you may not deserve.

It’s well worth reading the entire column here.

Social Security Watch: The chained CPI scam and how it will cost you

scam alert

chained cpi social security

Michael Hiltzik’s new L.A. Times column gets right to the heart of the “chained CPI” controversy. But is anyone listening?Are you even aware of this, much less understand it? If so, are you calling your representatives? I did.

Hiltzik fills you in:

It’s a benefit cut. It’s not merely a “technical” change. It’s not a “more accurate” measure of inflation.

The “chained CPI” has become one of the linchpins of the debate in Washington over what to do about the cost of Social Security. The idea is to ratchet back the annual cost-of-living adjustment provided to recipients by basing them no longer on the standard consumer price index, but this new creature. Its virtue, supposedly, is that it points to a slower inflation rate than the unchained index, by about .3% a year.

But as I wrote in 2011, it’s a stealth benefit cut for seniors… [T]he proposal has garnered the favor of Democrats in Congress and President Obama, who seem to think they can offer it as a concession to Republicans and get something good in exchange, like a tax increase.

Still having doubts? Then think about this: Hedge fund billionaire Peter G. Peterson, “whose hostility to Social Security and Medicare is a byword in Washington,” is all rah-rah for chained CPI.

Who is Pete Peterson? Hiltzik unmasks the most influential billionaire in U.S. politics:

He isn’t content merely to express concern about the federal deficit. His particular targets are Social Security, Medicare and Medicaid, which he calls “entitlement” programs and which he wants to cut back in a manner that would strike deeply at the middle class.

Hiltzik ends his column this way:

Can’t Washington be even a teensy bit honest about what it’s up to?

How totes adorbs of him to ask such a question. Oh Michael, you’re such a kidder.

Please read the entire column here.

For more information, here are my two previous posts on chained CPI:

Here’s what “chained CPI” would do

Senate Democrats challenge Pres. Obama over his willingness to cut Social Security benefits

 Note: Blog headline shamelessly stolen from a Hitlzik tweet.

California’s numbers strongly indicate that gun regulation works

head explode

I consider myself so fortunate to have lived in California my entire life. We’ve got it all here: Great weather; gorgeous beaches, deserts, and forests; an innovative, creative, and inclusive population; you name it, we’ve got it.

And we are often trendsetters for the entire country on such things as environmental regulation and to get to my point, according to many experts, California’s firearms regulations are the toughest in the nation.

Michael Hiltzik’s L.A. Times column today concentrates on “taking aim at the gun industry.” He notes that, despite our tough laws, more than 600,000 hand guns, rifles, and shotguns were sold here in 2011 (the most recent year stats were made available). In addition, even though California has such strict laws, it is still one of the country’s major gun markets. And here’s another fact: Our background checks ended up denying a measly 1% of all applicants, so what’s all the fuss about?

Speaking of stats, here’s one that will likely make gun zealots’ heads explode:

Consider the most important statistic related to California’s gun laws. In 1981, before the most stringent rules were adopted, California’s rate of 16.5 firearms-related deaths per 100,000 population was 31st worst in the nation and higher than the national average; by 2000, a decade after the laws started getting tightened, the state ranked 20th, with a rate of 9.18, below the national average. In 2010, the latest year for which the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention offers figures, the state ranked ninth, with a rate of only 7.9.

Yeah, that really happened, and freedom and liberty are still intact, nobody’s guns were yanked from their cold, dead hands, nor did Big Guvmint infringe on anyone’s Second Amendment rights. Go figure.

And this is a big, diverse state with not inconsiderable pockets of gang lawlessness and drug abuse, and sizable populations of hunters, target shooters and other gun fanciers. Many factors may have contributed to the downward trend in firearm deaths since 1990, but the numbers strongly indicate that regulation works.

California’s hostility to guns is focused mainly on assault weapons, which are outlawed — all others are legal, but regulated. The assault weapons ban is being extended to the makers of these dangerous products.

Of course, “Wayne LaPierre & NRA exist to make you think of anything other than gunmakers when you feel outraged by gun violence.”

Today, California law requires that almost all transfers of firearms, including private deals and gun show sales, be made through a licensed dealer and completed after a waiting period. High-capacity magazines are illegal except for those owned before 2000. There’s a long list of people prohibited to possess firearms, including felons and people judged to be a danger to themselves or others.

The new proposals include measures to close a loophole in the ban on assault weapons and high-capacity magazines, and to require a background check and a permit to buy ammunition.

As Hiltzik points out, the new proposals won’t eradicate gun violence in California. No laws, guidelines, or regulations eradicate all crime, but as the statistics show, they sure can help save lives.

And isn’t saving lives the goal of gun owners, too? Or is their War on Tyranny fantasy– the one in which there is no way their Glocks and AR-15s could win against drones and bombs– propping up the gun industry, and influencing elections more of priority that their so-called “pro-life” agenda?

Got “Sheldonfreude”? Think again. Super PACs are still a threat.

Michael Hiltzik has another illuminating column in today’s L.A. Times, this time about Citizens United and the continuing practice of buying influence. The big bucks flowed and will continue to flow, despite the outcome of the presidential election, despite Sheldon Adelson’s abysmal failure to purchase a president.

The Supreme Court’s 2010 Citizens United ruling overturned limits on political spending that resulted in unprecedented donations from corporations and a handful of billionaires to presidential and congressional candidates.

But just because ridiculous amounts of cash were unsuccessfully thrown at Mitt Romney and others who lost their bids for office doesn’t mean that corporate and individual influence doesn’t count and won’t get worse. We still have to demand campaign finance reform and somehow reverse that terrible SCOTUS decision.

As Larry Noble, president of Americans for Campaign Reform, a Concord, N.H.-based nonprofit seeking to dilute the influence of private money in elections, said:

“They may not have determined the election, but you can’t say they didn’t have any influence.”

As Hiltzik wrote, super PACs are still out there doing their super PAC thing, raising unlimited amounts of big money from  unions, corporations, and individuals (supposedly) without coordinating directly with those they back. Key word: Directly.

Now, that whole “Fiscal Crossroads/Curb” issue is attracting big donors the way Susan Rice attracts GOP Sunday talk show attack dogs. Meantime, small donors are left in the dust:

The impulse to please big donors to keep the money flowing visibly narrows the breadth of debate in Washington, where raising the top marginal income tax rate by 4.6 percentage points, to 39.6%, is treated as the absolute limit on taxation of the wealthy. For most of the Reagan administration, the top rate was 50% or higher.

This mind-set reflects the outsized influence of a small clutch of wealthy individuals and corporate donors. According to a study by the nonprofit progressive organizations Demos and the U.S. Public Interest Research Group, contributions to super PACs by just 61 large donors averaging $4.7 million each matched the combined donations of 1.4 million donors of $250 or less to the Romney and Obama campaigns.

Whose voices are likely to resonate more loudly in the halls of the White House and Congress — the 61 donors or the 1.4 million? [...]

The best counterweights to Citizens United lie in tightening up disclosure rules [...] Another good idea is to magnify the weight of small donations to tip the scale back toward the average voter. That’s the goal of the Empowering Citizens Act, sponsored by Reps. David Price (D-N.C.) and Chris Van Hollen (D-Md.) By providing a public match of 5 to 1 for the first $250 of any individual’s contribution to a presidential or congressional candidate, the measure aims to raise incentives for individuals to donate and for candidates to seek small donations.

If we don’t do something about all the inequity and abuse of what’s left of democracy, we’ll continue to face this:

More here.

Cut Medicare and Social Security? What’s the rush?

Once again, Michael Hiltzik clarifies the very things that need clarification, this time regarding the panic over the earned benefits programs Medicare and Social Security. Notice I didn’t refer to them as “entitlements,” which as Hiltzik correctly explains, is “a noxious way of referring to [them], excellent programs that most workers have paid for during their careers and that have kept millions of Americans healthy and out of poverty.”

He notes that all the scary forecasts and assumptions about which we’ve been hearing pundit after pundit yammer are questionable at best. Predictions are simply not accurate, so to base a premise or long term policy on them doesn’t make much sense.

Hiltzik:

[Social Securities'] trustees… also project that under certain conditions of economic and employment growth — all of them perfectly plausible — it might never run dry. You don’t hear much about that projection because it doesn’t fit into the narrative that Social Security is “going broke.”

Healthcare costs, with Medicare and Mediaid as big components, have been projected to rise to as much as 40% of gross domestic product by 2082 if not restrained. That’s a fearsome prospect, but it’s based on a long-outdated forecast by the Congressional Budget Office, which doesn’t use the same methodology anymore. It was highly implausible, if not impossible, in the first place.

For people like me whose eyes glaze over upon witnessing the usual sparring and doomsday scenarios, there’s this revelatory perspective on, well, perspective:

To put it another way, just because your son is 4 feet tall at age 6 doesn’t mean he’ll be 12 feet tall at age 18. And just because the average American born today will live to the age of 78 doesn’t mean that a baby born in 2032 will live to 100. [...]

The reason smart people and companies don’t make bets on the distant future is precisely because it’s unknowable. Try the following thought experiment: Instead of looking ahead 20 years, look back 20 years, and try to list all the events that have had immense, material effects on today’s economy, but were unimaginable in 1992.

Here’s my list: 9/11. The Afghan war. The Iraq war. The housing bubble. The crash of 2000. The crash of 2008. The crash of Lehman Bros. The iPod. The iPhone. The iPad. The founding of Google. Hurricane Andrew, Hurricane Katrina, Superstorm Sandy. Obamacare. 

So all these projections from all these commentators who have all these agendas are probably useless. And all these panicky “fixes” would be worthless, not to mention harmful, remedies based on faulty estimates.

The life span of a congressional budget is two years, max, because no Congress can bind its successors. But changes in Social Security and Medicare are forever. So when you hear that we have to do it now, stat! or we’re doomed, take it for the snake oil that it is.

Hopefully, most Americans aren’t buying what they’re selling.

The consequences of cutting Medicaid: Lives are at stake

During the Democratic convention, I remember tweeting a big thank you to former President Clinton for the attention he gave to Medicaid in his speech. He said, “You won’t be laughing when I finish telling you this… [The GOP wants to] “block grant Medicaid and cut it by a third over the coming 10 years. Of course, that’s going to really hurt a lot of poor kids.”

And today, I’m blogging a big thank you to L.A. Times’s Michael Hiltzik for also focusing on Medicaid, but in much greater detail than Clinton could.

As Hiltzik reminds us, Medicaid “serves the poorest and sickest Americans, those with the fewest healthcare options…. In many cases their financial health depends on Medicaid.” But because of the Supreme Court decision on the Affordable Care Act, the governors of six Southern states say they are rejecting expansion of Medicaid, a controversial part of that law.

Here are a few excerpts from Hiltzik’s column. He starts off by reminding us that the Big Bad Evil Kenyan Marxist government is footing the bill for a few years:

For the first three years of the expansion (2014 through 2016) the federal government will pay 100% of the cost; after that, the federal share declines in steps, reaching 90% in 2020 and sticking there. [...]

The Medicaid expansion rejected by their governors, those outstanding humanitarians Rick Perry and Rick Scott, would provide insurance to as many as 4.2 million residents, according to the Kaiser Family Foundation.

Beth Zachary, chief executive at White Memorial Medical Center, a 360-bed hospital in the L.A. area:

“The cuts could mean not only reduced services for patients, but also job losses in the East L.A. community, from which White does about 30% of its hiring.”

So to put two basic scenarios in perspective from the standpoint of hospitals and clinics in low-income areas: Without the healthcare reform act, their future is untenable. With its implementation minus the Medicaid expansion, their future moves from untenable to catastrophic.

To repeat: Jobs would be lost, services would be cut, lives would be at stake.

Governors Rick Perry, Rick Scott, and Bobby Jindal are apparently more dedicated to their party than to the people they serve, because they’re just not that into you, Medicaid. So it’s up to the providers to give them a firm nudge:

“Ultimately, the pressure these governors get from their provider community will decide whether they take the Medicaid expansion or not,” says Diane Rowland, executive vice president of the Kaiser Family Foundation.

In Texas, if you’re part of a one-child family that makes about $4,800 a year, you’re too well off to benefit from Medicaid.

What hangs in the balance of “easy” budget cuts are the economic health of communities, the survival of hospitals in neighborhoods that don’t have enough of them, and the lives of human beings.

So “you people” better figure out a way to recover from illness and injury on your own, because there are a whole lot of Republicans who don’t give a damn about you.

Warning: “If you’re not vigilant, you may end up with a privatized Social Security before you know what’s happened.”

Once again, Michael Hiltzik’s L.A. Times column is worth a read, because he explains what the GOP plan to privatize Social Security would mean to Americans. As he wisely reminds us, even after two major stock market crashes since 2000 and Wall Street’s less-than-stellar track record, both Willard Romney and Paul Ryan “have expressed great enthusiasm for the idea in the past; in 2004, Ryan even sponsored a bill in Congress that was so reliant on private accounts that it was rejected by the Bush White House as too extreme.”

Chew on that for awhile. Not only do they want to kill Medicare, they’re out to destroy Social Security. What could be more appealing?

Well, this certainly is more appealing: V.P. Biden “flat guarantees” no changes in Social Security, which “effectively takes Social Security off the table.” And the White House hasn’t walked it back, which is even better news. But per Michael Hiltzik, “The Washington Post, in an editorial rebuking Biden for his pledge, repeated a lot of the malarkey as if it were gospel.”

But back to Romney-Ryan and their too-extreme-for-Bush ideas:

[In Romney's book "No Apology," Romney endorses partially privatizing Social Security through individual investment accounts even though, as he acknowledges, "The 2008 stock market collapse is proof … that we can't always count on positive returns from these investments."...  a privatized system would have to be "phased in over time" so that market volatility doesn't "endanger a secure retirement."

Great sales pitch, Willard. And how exactly would phasing it in over time protect account holders? Hiltzik:

Yet phasing in privatization wouldn't protect account holders from a sharp downturn — the crash of 2008 would have stripped nearly 60% from retirement investors' stock portfolios whether they had built up their nest eggs by "phasing in" or all at once. If you'd been about to retire on that hoard, your plans got changed in a hurry.

Here's what Hiltzik says about the 2005 plan, the "Social Security Personal Savings Guarantee and Prosperity Act", that Ryan cosponsored with Sen. John E. Sununu (R-N.H.):

Though it purported to solve the deficit issues of both Social Security and the federal government, the plan in fact would have exploded the deficit. [...]

How much would that cost? Some $79 trillion (in 2004 dollars) over the period 2004-8. As a proportion of the U.S. economy, that would be more than twice what would be required to keep a non-privatized Social Security solvent, according to an analysis at the time by the nonprofit Center on Budget and Policy Priorities… The CBPP concluded that what the sponsors presented as “a proverbial ‘free lunch’” was in fact a budget-busting hand-over to private enterprise masquerading as entitlement reform.

Are you sold yet?

So his privatizing, deficit-exploding, budget-busting plan was dumped. Instead, BushCo had their own failed plan to which voters gave a gigantic group thumbs-down accompanied by raspberries and augmented with boos peppered by several WTFs.

Finally, Hiltzik gives us a warning:

“When you cut Social Security you’re encouraging privatization, because people have to go to the private market to make it up,” observes Eric Kingson, co-director of the advocacy group Social Security Works.

That’s the fearsome thing about the unfolding election: If you’re not vigilant, you may end up with a privatized Social Security before you know what’s happened. So keep your eyes open, and your hands on your wallet.

Let’s hope he has a huge readership that heeds his advice.